Wednesday, March 28, 2012

Both Sides Are Wrong In Case of Home For People With Disabilities

I've been monitoring and watching a situation in the town of Middlesex, a small community in upstate NY. As I've watched, listened and done research, I've concluded that this is one of those situations where both parties are wrong and sadly, neither side is very willing to listen to the other.

For many years, the NYS Office for People with Developmental Disabilities operated a community residence for ten people with developmental disabilities in this small rural community. Earlier this year, this state agency determined that the site was dangerous for the people living there because of fire safety and accessibility issues and that major renovations had to occur to make the home safe. Now it should be noted that people had been calling this place home for 17 plus years according to reports. Due to the fact that the renovations were so substantial and would take an extended period of time, administrators determined that it would be best to relocate the residents to other homes in the Finger Lakes region. So.......next chapter but delivered at about the same time -  the state announced it would be closing a 120 person institution in Rochester, NY and residents from there would move in to the renovated home in Middlesex. Another piece of information - the institution in Rochester houses a Forensic Unit and a number of the individuals to be placed in Middlesex could be identified and listed as sex offenders.

A neighborhood group stepped up and initially presented themselves as being concerned about the former  residents of the home, how they and their families were treated and relocated throughout the region. They presented themselves in effect as advocates for these people who were being forced to move from their home. They set up meetings with representatives from the state agency and with various elected officials including their local State Senator and Assemblyman.

The meeting with the state agency representative went badly. Either the state wasn't really prepared for the meeting or there truly was an attitude of 'our way or no way'. Family members of people relocated expressed anger and frustration at how they were dealt with and promises that were made but not kept by the agency. Things probably could have been salvaged at this point but the effort doesn't seem to have been made. The most basic thing is that the state agency could and probably should have found ways to meet with and accommodate the one family that was having the most difficulty. Instead, this family was left to align themselves with the larger group even though their interests have turned out to be very different.

The neighborhood group has turned into and possibly was from the very beginning a very vocal 'Not In My Backyard' group who are extremely upset about the potential of Level 2 and Level 3 sex offenders moving into their neighborhood. Many of their concerns are legitimate and they are asking appropriate questions. As with all groups however, they also have some people involved who don't seem to know when they are crossing the line relative to reasonable and legitimate questions and moving toward stereotyping and hate speech. Recently the group's website posted an ad they were threatening to run in local Pennysavers that was a good example of attacking a whole system of care and promoting fear and discrimination. It went beyond political action and took away from the group's credibility. These folks should continue to hold government's feet to the fire but they should take a deep breath before they make statements about people they don't know and before they put targets on people's backs. Too many people are willing to jump on a cause against groups of people who are different and at some point people will forget what reasonable concerns are.

The NYS Office for Developmental Disabilities has a pretty big problem here and they don't seem to recognize it. Their public relations and planning was awful in this case. Many people have worked for years to make sure that people with developmental disabilities were welcomed and became part of local communities. In some cases this was not an easy task and it was always made more difficult by regulatory issues that forced homes to become facilities. This issue in Middlesex has the potential of dismantling years of work by both the state and private providers. The folks in Middlesex understand political activism and processes. They deserve credit for this. Frankly, if done correctly, their efforts could force some much needed planning around support for people with very specific needs.

I'm not confident this will happen. The state agency is taking some pretty self righteous positions around this situation - wanting to go to battle over people's rights to be placed anywhere they want. That may be a wonderful ideal to fight for but the reality is that sex offenders are in fact treated differently in our society, in institutions and in communities. I don't condone it but it is a fact. All you have to do is look around your own community. See where these folks live. See how difficult it is for them to get and/or keep employment.

The history of individuals with developmental disabilities involved in the criminal justice system is not something that people have spent the appropriate resources on. There are a couple of reasons for that. For one thing, the numbers are not that high. In addition, the behavioral approaches and resources haven't been utilized very well. Finally, state agencies and law enforcement have played a who's responsible for this person game for many years. Legitimately, there have been times when law enforcement, including judges, have said that it makes no sense to place a particular person with a particular disability in the criminal justice system and from a rehabilitation perspective they're probably correct.

So there is a dilemma for NYS - here they are trying to close a few institutions across the state where a fairly small number of these people reside. Questions need to be asked. If these individuals weren't in these institutions now, where would they be? Probably in the criminal justice system or unsupervised in the community I would guess. Now I'm a strong believer in the fact that no one benefits from an institutional setting. But how should these folks be dealt with? Where should they live? What supports do they need?

Here's my opinion for what it's worth. NYS should convene a set of experts, providers and community leaders, including elected officials and municipal leaders, to develop the plan that's needed for this population and for these closures. Plans are not going to be the same for every person or every community. It's going to take shared resources. Communities where placement and supports occur are going to need to have supports in place and this is going to take resources and communication. None of it will take place with finger pointing or blaming or position taking about who's right and who's wrong. It won't help for people to paint pictures of monsters either.

As I said early on, this really is an example of both sides being wrong. Hopefully some lessons have been learned and both sides will be a little more respectful of each other.

Friday, March 23, 2012

Trayvon Martin

It seems most people have been able to figure out how horrific the situation is concerning the pursuit and shooting of Trayvon Martin in Sanford, Florida. This young black man, according to all reports, was walking through an area and ended up being pursued by someone who seems to be an overzealous neighborhood watch participant.

There are lots of questions and plenty for people to be outraged about. Some people don't seem to be aware that Trayvon Martin's body was drug tested but the shooter never was. It is also reported that his body was in custody for three days and that the police didn't seem to make attempts at identification or notification of next of kin. Martin's cell phone was in their possession but there doesn't seem to have been an attempt to have traced or investigated last numbers called or incoming calls. Martin's father was calling the cell number trying to locate his son it's reported.

The local police are saying they are following procedures and their hands are tied by the Florida "Stand Your Ground" law. None of this seems to make much sense. The law in question doesn't stop you from identifying a body or investigating a 'potential' crime. Why the shooter wasn't arrested just doesn't make sense. Police seem to have acted as judge and jury in determining that no crime was committed. If these are normal operating procedures of the Sanford Police Department, that city and its citizens are not very well served.

It is easy for people who have not been subjected to racial profiling to dismiss the reality of what many minorities feel. It is easy for members of racial minorities to be frustrated and angry at what they're seeing unfold in Sanford. Sadly, the response of the city or lack thereof is common in cases where people in power think they have acted appropriately. Situations like this do need independent review and a spotlight of national and international attention. Honestly, it has taken too long and the local response has proven to be inadequate to many.

The really horrible part of all of this is the loss of a 17 year old, Trayvon Martin. A seemingly nice young man, talking to his girlfriend on his cell phone and carrying Skittles and ice tea. More facts will come out but for now we should be pretty horrified that this could happen and potentially few questions asked within a system of supposed citizen protection.

Wednesday, March 21, 2012

Back On Track

Well after the series on Selma, I took a bit of a writing break. That series actually took a lot out of me from a writing perspective. So, I kind of took some time off from the blog. The problem is, there continue to be things that really need to be written about. Many of these things force some major thinking and personal analysis - the killing of civilians in Afghanistan, Trayvon Martin, the young black man shot in Sanford, Florida, the effort across the country to make voting more difficult, budget issues in New York State.

I've also found myself pretty busy with personal projects around my home (planted peas, lettuce, swiss chard and spinach - a risk, but worth it if successful) and doing various volunteer work for a number of organizations. I'm finding that volunteerism is quite different then paid work. It's an interesting expierience when you're use to doing a job and getting a job done. I'm beginning to question if we really do value the efforts of volunteers based on what I've seen so far.

So I'll continue to think these things through and commit to the electronic page soon.

Friday, March 9, 2012

Rush Limbaugh's Humor Needs Some Work

I really think people need to be clear about this. Rush Limbaugh is a provocateur, a political commentator, a talk show host and as some have pointed out, an entertainer. What he has proven he is not, through both his comments recently and in his 'apology', is a comedian. Again, let's be real clear. The comments he made about a young woman were insulting, vile, filled with sexual innuendo and disgusting. They were also untrue. Anyone who really cares just needs to listen to the young woman's testimony and his commentary and accusations back to back. The fact is, he went way over the edge and I think most people know it.

Now I'm all for free speech but I detest hate speech. It exists on all sides of the political spectrum. Some of it is just stupid people making stupid comments. Some of it is extremely hurtful. Most of it is also bullying. Some people love to find groups of people to push around, to continue stereotyping, to intimidate, or to try to stop free and open discussion. Like I say, we've seen it on both sides of the political spectrum. Bill Maher has gotten caught at it a number of times maligning whole groups of people through supposed humor. Their are others - comedians, commentators, politicians, celebrities and just plain folks.

But Limbaugh's comments were particularly insulting and mean spirited. This young woman's only offense was speaking up about a number of issues important to women. He went after her for a number of days, accusing her of all sorts of things - for the sake of entertainment? He suggested that she and other women place sex videos on the internet - to prove a political point? He's been called on it and needs to continue to be called on it. Rhetoric like this really doesn't have a place in legitimate discussions about ideas. But I repeat, he and others have a right to say these kind of things. They also need to understand the consequences and be held accountable for their rants.

There can be an adult conversation about contraception, women's health issues, right to life and right to choice but it shouldn't be held on Limbaugh's terms.

Saturday, March 3, 2012

Selma Revisited '03 and '10 - Part 4



In February of 2003 I got a phone call from a journalist friend. I'll always be grateful to her for that call. She told me that during a regularly scheduled conference call with the press, Congressman Amo Houghton who represented the Southern Tier region of NYS, had mentioned a trip he was taking with Congressman John Lewis to Selma, Alabama in March for the reenactment of the bridge crossing that had happened there many years before. Gwen mentioned to the Congressman that she knew someone in the district who had participated in the original march. Within days of that call I was contacted by Congressman Houghton's office and invited to participate in the pilgrimage back to Selma.

It turns out that the trip was much more then a trip to Selma. John Lewis and Amo Houghton had been working together for a number of years with an organization called the Faith and Politics Institute. At that time the organization was led by Doug Tanner. Lewis and Houghton were trying to work on the principle of civility in congress. They were true brothers in that effort. They were from completely different backgrounds but they had found common ground and were committed to working together. The pilgrimage had been going on for a number of years and continues to this day, this weekend as a matter of fact. During the pilgrimage, Lewis and other leaders of the civil rights movement will take a large group of Senators and Congressman, along with guests to the historical landmarks of the civil rights movement - Montgomery, Birmingham and finally on Sunday to Selma and the crossing of the Edmond Pettus Bridge. But it will be different then it was in 1965. On Sunday and throughout their trip they will be escorted by black and white troopers and sheriffs. Throughout the trip, John Lewis will tell stories in only the way he can, about the experiences of black America in the 60's and before.

But let me tell you about my experience returning on that March in 2003. I drove to Washington, DC and met Congressman Houghton at the Capitol on the morning we were to leave. I got on the bus that we were taking from the Capitol to the airport and sat down with elected officials of the United States Congress along with people like Jack Kemp, former Congressman and football great from Buffalo. A police escort with sirens blaring took us through Washington and to the airport. I was mesmerized and a bit confused, out of sorts, out of body perhaps. Things didn't seem right. This was all very legal. I don't think anyone, including myself realized what a shock all of this was going to be to me. I was literally dumbfounded.

We visited all of the important places that honor the civil rights movement and its leaders and foot soldiers. Here are a few pictures of that trip. The first is of Congressman John Lewis and myself. John Lewis is a personal hero of mine. He was beaten to the ground in 1965 at the front of the march along with Rev. Hosea Williams. The second is a picture of the Mayor of Selma, James Perkins, myself and Congressman Amo Houghton at the Edmond Pettus Bridge in Selma.

As Amo Houghton and I walked toward the bridge in Selma, we drifted toward the back of the crowd away from the media crunch that always seems to be following the folks up front. We chatted as we walked and eventually were joined by a man to our left. It turned out to be James Perkins, Jr. the first black Mayor elected in Selma in 2000. We told our stories. Perkins was 10 when the original march took place. He could have been one of those youngsters who inspired me so many years ago with their song and spirit - fearless young leaders. He could have been my co-conspiritor and partner running through the woods to the courthouse through the public housing pictured below across from Brown Chapel. As we neared the bridge, he put his hand on my shoulder, took my hand and said, "You know the only reason I'm the Mayor of this city is because of you and people like you." We hugged. It was an emotional moment for both of us.


Fast forward to 2010. That was the year I decided I was going to go back to Selma again but on my own. I was going to get in my car and make my own pilgrimage and I did. Only it wasn't on my own. I invited my older brother and oldest son, both living in New Jersey to join me. Again, these trips are emotional for me and this time we were able to see more of Selma and the poverty that is a part of the landscape today. But we also met good people both black and white who understand their history better than us. We were a bit lost one day and my son asked two bike patrol officers for some directions and information. We ended up seeing these officers over and over and suddenly came to the realization that the city was pretty small and directions pretty simple. At one of these encounters one of the young officers came over and engaged me in some conversation. He asked if I was one of the original marchers? I answered in the affirmative. He was white and his partner was black, both in their late twenties or early thirties. What he said next was another one of those emotional surprises. He apologized to me for the actions of law enforcement officers in 1965 and he meant it. He was ashamed of their actions and the way people were treated. I thanked him for his kind words.

heros for their own political gain or to feed their egos as thousands march in Selma again on Sunday afternoon. As we look for a new set of heros though, look toward Syria and the people in the streets being killed as they stand up for their own political freedom and also see the tyranny that stops them in that quest. The players change but the battle remains the same.

I'm going back for the 50th celebration and reenactment in Selma even if I have to be wheeled across that damn bridge. I want to walk though and I hope it's with John Lewis.
Congressman John Lewis leaving Brown Chapel to begin the march to the Edmund Pettus Bridge.

Police escort for marchers at the Edmond Pettus Bridge.
People beginning to line up outside of Brown Chapel.

Friday, March 2, 2012

Selma, Alabama 1965 - Part 3


Those days and nights in Selma seemed longer then they actually were. It was barely spring. The nights were cool and the rain came for days at a time. What sleep there was came on a pew in Brown Chapel or on the floor in the apartment of a local black family with other demonstraters. There was no time or place for showers. I had brought the basics with me. When I left Manchester, NH, I really had no idea if I'd be gone for a day or for weeks. The clothes on my back were pretty much what I had - a black suit, white shirt, a black tie, shoes and socks, a black raincoat and a couple of extra pair of underwear. That was pretty much it along with a shaving kit. All of this was basically my uniform from my days in the seminary, black and more black. Intentional or not I looked like a young clergyman from the north. That perception may have saved me once or twice or endangered me more often then I imagine.

Brown Chapel like so many other churches in the south had become the headquarters and center of the demonstrations in Selma. The street in front of Brown Chapel had intersections at both ends and the church was approximately in the center of the block. The street had been barricaded at both ends by the police. The clothesline at the one end had become a symbol rather then a real barrier so the wooden barricades became necessary. In effect, anyone who came to demonstrate became confined in that one block space. There were ways to escape the area. People could find ways to leave a few at a time through the back and on to the streets of Selma. The first Sunday that I was there, myself and two others went to the Catholic Church located in another part of town to attend Mass. We arrived early, went in and met the priest who was preparing for the service. He welcomed us, knew we were civil rights demonstrators and told us as long as no blacks were with us everything would be fine. The church was segregated, I couldn't believe it. I decided not to attend Mass that morning and headed back to Brown Chapel. I didn't really question my religion at the time but I certainly began questioning the people in it.

During the day the block filled with demonstrators singing, chanting and pressing to be allowed to march, a simple symbol of their freedom and rights - denied every day. At this point, a march to the courthouse for a memorial service for Rev. Reeb had become the simple focus. If that could happen, the march to Montgomery would surly follow. During that early period, the crowd of demonstrators was probably 75' deep with other people either in Brown Chapel or milling around in the street. Police presence was always greater at the end of the street where the protesters gathered. Every now and then as part of an organized plan, protesters would move quickly to the other end of the street. Police sirens would wail and cars and horses would ride down a parallel street to meet everyone at the new location at the other end of the block. Frustrations grew and at one point there was talk of meeting force with force but that never happened mainly due to the leadership of Rev. Hosea Williams, Andrew Young and John Lewis.

Mass meetings were held at night inside of Brown Chapel. Songs were sung, speeches given and strategies developed. News of Dr. Kings negotiations with the federal government were relayed and recounted. I personally enjoyed taking the night shift outside. The crowd was smaller and we were just really making sure there was a presence continually at the barricade during these times. Most of my partners during those evening and night time hours were youngsters. They had beautiful voices and enthusiasm. Sometimes there were 10-15 of us standing there singing to police in helmets and riot gear. It was a time when both sides could look each other in the eye and even converse. There were plenty of mean men but there were also those who pleaded with us to come to our senses and stop what they considered the madness. They told us violence would occur and they didn't want to hurt anyone. They themselves were learning about the power of non-violence and were uncomfortable with the potential orders they would have to follow. It rained and it poured one night. A tarp was set up and it effectively caught water that eventually would overflow and come down on our heads and necks. A fire burned nearby and we would warm ourselves for short periods. Food and coffee were brought to us from neighbors living along the street. These were the sights and sounds of Selma in 1965 as I remember them 47 years later.

So we know that Selma helped to change our country and civil rights, but how did it change me? What impact did it have on my life - then and in the future? It certainly matured me at least from an experience standpoint. I saw things I had never seen, felt things I had never felt and met people with tremendous passion and leadership qualities. Selma really did help to define me and to define my beliefs about many things. It helped me begin to study the world and people differently. Selma was my introduction to the philosophy of non-violence. When I went, I knew a little about non-violence but mostly as a tactic. I didn't have any real experience with it. Arriving in this place where violence and intimidation were acceptable when blacks tried to do something as basic as register to vote or to speak up about it, I began to realize that non-violence was much bigger. I became more curious because of what I saw and what I witnessed. Selma opened my eyes to the likes of Ghandi and Dorothy Day and to pacifism as a belief and way of life. It certainly didn't happen over night, but my mind was opened to writings and ideas that spread the word not just of peace but also about conscience and acts of conscience, civil disobedience and activism. Selma set me off in a new direction and it really was the first time I realized the power and importance of conscience. I would be arrested numerous times for acts of conscience in the future. I would be a part of other movements against violence and injustice and it really all came from that short but important experience in Selma, Alabama in 1965.

People can go to this link to hear sample tracks of the songs that came out of Selma including 'The Berlin Wall' Click Here and listen to the Freedom Voices, Len Chandler and Pete Seeger. More to Come! Selma Revisited....